Sri Lanka, history: Difference between revisions
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This article covers the history of '''[[Sri Lanka]]''' (known as '''Ceylon''' before 1972). | This article covers the history of '''[[Sri Lanka]]''' (known as '''Ceylon''' before 1972). For current conditions see [[Sri Lanka]]. | ||
==Colonizers and settlers== | ==Colonizers and settlers== | ||
==The Anuradhapura Kingdom == | ==The Anuradhapura Kingdom == | ||
==The Polonnaruva Kingdom== | ==The Polonnaruva Kingdom== | ||
==Fragmentation 1250 to 1600== | ==Fragmentation 1250 to 1600== | ||
==Portuguese rule, 1600-58== | ==Portuguese rule, 1600-58== | ||
The Portuguese arrived in Colombo in 1505 and were impressed with the commercial and strategic value of Ceylon. They entered into treaty relations with the Sinhalese king in Kotte in 1518. Political disintegration of the Kotte kingdom and internecine wars enabled the Portuguese to expand their political power along the west coast. Through their superior naval and military techniques, they overcame Sinhalese opposition and annexed the kingdom in 1597, leaving Kandy, based in the central highlands, as the only independent seat of Sinhalese power. The Portuguese tried in the early 1600s to seize the Kandy kingdom and extend their rule; they failed because of the strategic location of the kingdom and the sturdy Kandyan defense. In 1619 the Tamil kingdom of Jaffna was annexed by the Portuguese. Thus, except for the central highland and parts of the eastern coast, Portugal had established its dominion over the entire island. | |||
The Portuguese ruled their territory in Ceylon through a captain-general, who was subordinate to the viceroy at Goa. The basic administrative structure of the Sinhalese kingdom was maintained, with Portuguese officials being appointed to the highest offices. Subordinate offices were given to Sinhalese and Tamils loyal to the Portuguese. The Sinhalese system of service tenure in land was retained and was used to secure revenue. The caste system was maintained, and obligatory services of various castes were demanded by the state. The trade in cinnamon and elephants was made a state monopoly, and the Portuguese participated in the valuable trade in pepper and areca nuts. | |||
Under the Portuguese there was intense Catholic missionary activity. Franciscan, Jesuit, Dominican, and Augustinian orders established missions in the island. The Portuguese administration gave considerable financial support to these missions, and parcels of land, often from the properties of Buddhist and Hindu temples, were granted for their maintenance. Members of the Sinhalese landed aristocracy embraced Christianity and took Portuguese names at baptism, and many coastal communities in the west and north underwent mass conversion. Catholic churches and schools sprang up, and the upper classes gained proficiency in Portuguese. | |||
==Kandyan Kingdom== | ==Kandyan Kingdom== | ||
==Dutch rule== | ==Dutch rule== | ||
The Dutch East India Company (VOC) dominated parts of Ceylon and South India in the 17th and 18th centuries. | The Dutch East India Company (VOC) dominated parts of Ceylon and South India in the 17th and 18th centuries. Beginning in the early 17th century the VOC became interested in the cinnamon trade of Ceylon and in the island's strategic location. In 1638 it formed an alliance with the king of Kandy with the common objective of driving the Portuguese out. From 1638 to 1658, in a series of naval and military engagements, the Dutch, with the assistance of the Kandyans, conquered all the territories held by the Portuguese. However, the Dutch and the Kandyans soon began to dispute over their claims to the conquered territory, and the Dutch proceeded to establish their sovereignty over the coastal lands. The Kandyan kingdom was thus largely confined to the Up Country. | ||
===Dutch system of government=== | |||
The Dutch ruled Ceylon through a governor and a council resident in Colombo. The administration was subordinate to a governor general and council at Batavia on Java, which was the headquarters of the Dutch empire in Asia. A commander each in Jaffna and Galle administered the north and south, respectively, under the supervision of the governor. Dutch officials were appointed to the highest territorial offices, but subordinate offices were held by Sinhalese and Tamils who were loyal to the Dutch. The Dutch, like the Portuguese, retained the obligatory land and service tenure. The obligations of particular castes were used by the Dutch to obtain labor for the state to procure the goods and services required for trade. The Dutch held a trading monopoly in a number of articles and tried to channel the entire trade of Ceylon through ports they controlled. This policy interfered with the traditional Indo-Ceylon trade, which dwindled, causing shortages in the island. The Dutch developed some commercial agriculture by introducing such new crops as coffee and by encouraging the cultivation on plantations of others like pepper, cinnamon, and cardamom. | |||
The Dutch established a well-organized judicial system, with three main courts of justice sitting in Colombo, Jaffna, and Galle. A rural court, Land Raad, heard civil cases from the villages. Roman-Dutch law was introduced and Tamil law was codified for use in the courts of the north. | |||
===Religious tolerance=== | |||
Protestantism was introduced by the Dutch, and many of the Catholic churches established by the Portuguese were turned over to the Protestants. These churches provided elementary education in Sinhalese and Tamil. The VOC maintained the position of the Protestant Reformed church within the Dutch community, but also ensured that the church did not interfere in politics or cause unrest among the believers of other religions. The VOC adopted a tolerant attitude toward all but Catholics, and when zealous pastors took actions deemed offensive to Hindus or Buddhists these were disowned by Company administrators. Their tolerance is an indication of how few Dutch, at home or overseas, were staunch Calvinists in this period.<ref> Jurrien Van Goor, "Dutch 'Calvinists' on the Coromandel Coast and in Sri Lanka." ''South Asia'' 1996 19(special Issue): 133-142. Issn: 0085-6401 </ref> | |||
==British rule after 1802 == | ==British rule after 1802 == | ||
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==Modernization, Religion and nationalism, 1860-1929== | ==Modernization, Religion and nationalism, 1860-1929== | ||
Government-supported education in Ceylon began in 1832 and by 1900, 25% of school-age children were in school. In the early 20th century, the colonial government began to expand educational opportunities and by the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, over half of the school-age population was in school. Near universal status was achieved by the 1960s. This achievement has been due to the realization of the importance of education on the part of parents who see it as the means for improving socioeconomic standing.<ref> Lakshman Dissanayake, "The Timing and Determinants of the Onset of Mass Education in Sri Lanka." ''Asian Profile'' 1995 23(3): 223-234. Issn: 0304-8675</ref> | Government-supported education in Ceylon began in 1832 and by 1900, 25% of school-age children were in school. In the early 20th century, the colonial government began to expand educational opportunities and by the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, over half of the school-age population was in school. Near universal status was achieved by the 1960s. This achievement has been due to the realization of the importance of education on the part of parents who see it as the means for improving socioeconomic standing.<ref> Lakshman Dissanayake, "The Timing and Determinants of the Onset of Mass Education in Sri Lanka." ''Asian Profile'' 1995 23(3): 223-234. Issn: 0304-8675</ref> | ||
===Indigenization of Columbo=== | |||
Perera (2002) Considers the indigenization of Colombo and the transformation of the city from an exclusive domain of British colonial power to a milieu that supported Ceylonese social and cultural practices. The city went from British to Ceylonese between the 1860s and the 1880s. Perera approaches indigenization from a reverse [[Orientalism|Orientalist]] perspective that focuses on the landscape produced by the emergence of national elite, the revival of Buddhism, and processes of naturalization and migration. Indigenization was integral to colonialism, which simultaneously instigated the Westernization of subjects and the indigenization of social and spatial structures. The resulting multilayered landscape, negotiated between imposing colonial structures and Ceylonese cultural practices, was characterized by irony, mimicry, ambivalence, liminality, and hybridity.<ref> Nihal Perera, "Indigenising the Colonial City: Late 19th-century Colombo and its Landscape." ''Urban Studies'' 2002 39(9): 1703-1721. Issn: 0042-0980 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref> | Perera (2002) Considers the indigenization of Colombo and the transformation of the city from an exclusive domain of British colonial power to a milieu that supported Ceylonese social and cultural practices. The city went from British to Ceylonese between the 1860s and the 1880s. Perera approaches indigenization from a reverse [[Orientalism|Orientalist]] perspective that focuses on the landscape produced by the emergence of national elite, the revival of Buddhism, and processes of naturalization and migration. Indigenization was integral to colonialism, which simultaneously instigated the Westernization of subjects and the indigenization of social and spatial structures. The resulting multilayered landscape, negotiated between imposing colonial structures and Ceylonese cultural practices, was characterized by irony, mimicry, ambivalence, liminality, and hybridity.<ref> Nihal Perera, "Indigenising the Colonial City: Late 19th-century Colombo and its Landscape." ''Urban Studies'' 2002 39(9): 1703-1721. Issn: 0042-0980 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref> | ||
===Intellectual modernity=== | |||
The communications and information explosion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, occasioned by technological developments, growing literacy, and a print culture, gave educated and Westernized colonial subjects access to a wider and more diverse range of ideas and practices, anticipating what has become known as globalization. Evidence from nationalist literati in colonial Sri Lanka demonstrates that the dialogue was no longer simply between colonizer and colonized: the colonized from various parts of the Indian Ocean came into contact with one another, largely because of the growing role played by a bilingual intelligentsia. In the case of Sri Lanka, Buddhism played an important role, in that the Buddhist revival (hitherto interpreted largely in terms of the rise of nationalism) encouraged colonial subjects to pursue contacts with their coreligionists around the Indian Ocean.<ref>Mark Frost, "'Wider Opportunities': Religious Revival, Nationalist Awakening and the Global Dimension in Colombo, 1870-1920." ''Modern Asian Studies'' 2002 36(4): 937-967. Issn: 0026-749x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-749X%28200210%2936%3A4%3C937%3A%27ORRNA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9 in Jstor]</ref> | The communications and information explosion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, occasioned by technological developments, growing literacy, and a print culture, gave educated and Westernized colonial subjects access to a wider and more diverse range of ideas and practices, anticipating what has become known as globalization. Evidence from nationalist literati in colonial Sri Lanka demonstrates that the dialogue was no longer simply between colonizer and colonized: the colonized from various parts of the Indian Ocean came into contact with one another, largely because of the growing role played by a bilingual intelligentsia. In the case of Sri Lanka, Buddhism played an important role, in that the Buddhist revival (hitherto interpreted largely in terms of the rise of nationalism) encouraged colonial subjects to pursue contacts with their coreligionists around the Indian Ocean.<ref>Mark Frost, "'Wider Opportunities': Religious Revival, Nationalist Awakening and the Global Dimension in Colombo, 1870-1920." ''Modern Asian Studies'' 2002 36(4): 937-967. Issn: 0026-749x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0026-749X%28200210%2936%3A4%3C937%3A%27ORRNA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9 in Jstor]</ref> | ||
===Buddhist revival=== | ===Buddhist revival=== | ||
Line 53: | Line 60: | ||
==Since independence: the dominance of the UNP, 1947-56== | ==Since independence: the dominance of the UNP, 1947-56== | ||
The constitution of independent Ceylon was modeled on that of Britain. The nominal head of state was a governor general, but executive authority was exercised by a prime minister and cabinet, both responsible to a bicameral legislature. The first prime minister was Don Stephen Senanayake, who successfully brought together leaders of various communities and interests to form the United National Party ('''UNP'''). Its general ideology was liberal, secular, and individualist, favoring progress through private enterprise. When Senanayake died in 1952 he was succeeded by his son Dudley Senanayake, who resigned two years later and was replaced by his cousin, Sir John Kotelawela. Political and economic power was in the hands of a small elite of English-educated mercantile entrepreneurs and landowners. Political opposition was provided by two Marxist parties, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party ('''LSSP''') and the Communist Party. | |||
==Linguistic nationalism 1956-80 == | ==Linguistic nationalism 1956-80 == | ||
In 1951 Solomon | In 1951 Solomon Bandaranaike formed a new party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party ('''SLFP'''). It was strongly nationalist, demanding restoration of traditional culture and the eradication of Western influence. It swept the 1956 elections; Bandaranaike headed a coalition government, called the People's United Front ('''MEP'''), comprising the SLFP and a section of the LSSP. | ||
Bandaranaike's MEP government pushed through far-reaching laws to promote its nationalist and socialist agenda. Sinhala replaced English as the sole official language. The military alliance with Britain was ended; British naval and air bases were closed, and Ceylon assumed a neutral and nonaligned position in international affairs. The MEP government strongly supported Buddhist and Sinhalese cultural renaissance through financial aid through the ministry of cultural affairs. Some sectors of the economy, such as bus transport and the port of Colombo, were nationalized, and attempts were made to bring about land reform by purchasing and divding large plantations. | Bandaranaike's MEP government pushed through far-reaching laws to promote its nationalist and socialist agenda. Sinhala replaced English as the sole official language. The military alliance with Britain was ended; British naval and air bases were closed, and Ceylon assumed a neutral and nonaligned position in international affairs. The MEP government strongly supported Buddhist and Sinhalese cultural renaissance through financial aid through the ministry of cultural affairs. Some sectors of the economy, such as bus transport and the port of Colombo, were nationalized, and attempts were made to bring about land reform by purchasing and divding large plantations. | ||
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====notes==== | ====notes==== | ||
<references/> | <references/> | ||
[[Category:CZ Live]] | |||
[[Category:History Workgroup]] |
Revision as of 16:13, 2 March 2008
This article covers the history of Sri Lanka (known as Ceylon before 1972). For current conditions see Sri Lanka.
Colonizers and settlers
The Anuradhapura Kingdom
The Polonnaruva Kingdom
Fragmentation 1250 to 1600
Portuguese rule, 1600-58
The Portuguese arrived in Colombo in 1505 and were impressed with the commercial and strategic value of Ceylon. They entered into treaty relations with the Sinhalese king in Kotte in 1518. Political disintegration of the Kotte kingdom and internecine wars enabled the Portuguese to expand their political power along the west coast. Through their superior naval and military techniques, they overcame Sinhalese opposition and annexed the kingdom in 1597, leaving Kandy, based in the central highlands, as the only independent seat of Sinhalese power. The Portuguese tried in the early 1600s to seize the Kandy kingdom and extend their rule; they failed because of the strategic location of the kingdom and the sturdy Kandyan defense. In 1619 the Tamil kingdom of Jaffna was annexed by the Portuguese. Thus, except for the central highland and parts of the eastern coast, Portugal had established its dominion over the entire island.
The Portuguese ruled their territory in Ceylon through a captain-general, who was subordinate to the viceroy at Goa. The basic administrative structure of the Sinhalese kingdom was maintained, with Portuguese officials being appointed to the highest offices. Subordinate offices were given to Sinhalese and Tamils loyal to the Portuguese. The Sinhalese system of service tenure in land was retained and was used to secure revenue. The caste system was maintained, and obligatory services of various castes were demanded by the state. The trade in cinnamon and elephants was made a state monopoly, and the Portuguese participated in the valuable trade in pepper and areca nuts.
Under the Portuguese there was intense Catholic missionary activity. Franciscan, Jesuit, Dominican, and Augustinian orders established missions in the island. The Portuguese administration gave considerable financial support to these missions, and parcels of land, often from the properties of Buddhist and Hindu temples, were granted for their maintenance. Members of the Sinhalese landed aristocracy embraced Christianity and took Portuguese names at baptism, and many coastal communities in the west and north underwent mass conversion. Catholic churches and schools sprang up, and the upper classes gained proficiency in Portuguese.
Kandyan Kingdom
Dutch rule
The Dutch East India Company (VOC) dominated parts of Ceylon and South India in the 17th and 18th centuries. Beginning in the early 17th century the VOC became interested in the cinnamon trade of Ceylon and in the island's strategic location. In 1638 it formed an alliance with the king of Kandy with the common objective of driving the Portuguese out. From 1638 to 1658, in a series of naval and military engagements, the Dutch, with the assistance of the Kandyans, conquered all the territories held by the Portuguese. However, the Dutch and the Kandyans soon began to dispute over their claims to the conquered territory, and the Dutch proceeded to establish their sovereignty over the coastal lands. The Kandyan kingdom was thus largely confined to the Up Country.
Dutch system of government
The Dutch ruled Ceylon through a governor and a council resident in Colombo. The administration was subordinate to a governor general and council at Batavia on Java, which was the headquarters of the Dutch empire in Asia. A commander each in Jaffna and Galle administered the north and south, respectively, under the supervision of the governor. Dutch officials were appointed to the highest territorial offices, but subordinate offices were held by Sinhalese and Tamils who were loyal to the Dutch. The Dutch, like the Portuguese, retained the obligatory land and service tenure. The obligations of particular castes were used by the Dutch to obtain labor for the state to procure the goods and services required for trade. The Dutch held a trading monopoly in a number of articles and tried to channel the entire trade of Ceylon through ports they controlled. This policy interfered with the traditional Indo-Ceylon trade, which dwindled, causing shortages in the island. The Dutch developed some commercial agriculture by introducing such new crops as coffee and by encouraging the cultivation on plantations of others like pepper, cinnamon, and cardamom.
The Dutch established a well-organized judicial system, with three main courts of justice sitting in Colombo, Jaffna, and Galle. A rural court, Land Raad, heard civil cases from the villages. Roman-Dutch law was introduced and Tamil law was codified for use in the courts of the north.
Religious tolerance
Protestantism was introduced by the Dutch, and many of the Catholic churches established by the Portuguese were turned over to the Protestants. These churches provided elementary education in Sinhalese and Tamil. The VOC maintained the position of the Protestant Reformed church within the Dutch community, but also ensured that the church did not interfere in politics or cause unrest among the believers of other religions. The VOC adopted a tolerant attitude toward all but Catholics, and when zealous pastors took actions deemed offensive to Hindus or Buddhists these were disowned by Company administrators. Their tolerance is an indication of how few Dutch, at home or overseas, were staunch Calvinists in this period.[1]
British rule after 1802
The British East India Company seized control of maritime Ceylon in 1796, during the wars of the French Revolution. Officials of the company, which administered the island from Madras, mistreated the Ceylonese and disregarded the traditional forms of organization. In 1802 therefore, the government of Britain removed the Company and made Ceylon a crown colony. In 1815 the British took advantage of disaffection within the kingdom of Kandy to overthrow its king, and despite several subsequent rebellions, by 1818 the former kingdom ceased to exist. For the first time the entire island came under the sovereignty of a Western power.
The British established a communications network linking the whole island and to gradually introduce a unitary system of administration. They abolished service tenure, outlawed all monopolies, and removed all restrictions on the movement of goods and people, thus introducing a favorable climate for British investment. Land was liberally transferred to entrepreneurs and commercial agricultural ventures that developed from the 1830's. The central highlands were found suitable for commercial crops, and coffee and later tea and rubber plantations were established there. Because the Sinhalese were not inclined to work for wages on the plantations, Tamil labor was brought in from southern India.
Society: Plantation and peasant, 1800-1930
Under British rule extensive plantations were developed and the island became a large-scale producer of tea, rubber, and coconut products. By the end of the 19th century tea and rubber had become the island's principal exports, and coconut and copra were also important. The plantation industry triggered economic development in subsidiary industries, transportation, banking, and port facilities. Agricultural production, based on the rice culture of small peasants in village communities, changed more and more to export crops and products like cinnamon, coconut, and tobacco.
The history of Ceylon in the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the expansion - followed by depression - of a plantation economy whose investors included not only British colonists but also the Ceylonese bourgeoisie and a certain number of small rural entrepreneurs. The introduction of plantations transformed the rural environment. A new agricultural regime emerged, with sharp effects on the peasant milieu, and the social relations it established between Sinhalese farmers, Tamil coolies, and British planters. The worldwide Great Depression of the 1930s finally upset the system.
Muslims
Muslims settled in Sri Lanka as traders suffered discrimination during the periods of Portuguese and Dutch control. The British arrived in Colombo in 1796 to assist the Kandyan king in removing the Dutch. They used Muslims as interpreters and trade experts. The British took Kandy in 1815, deposing the Sinhalese king. Thereafter, the British protected Muslims' religious freedom, abolished their forced labor, allowed them to own property, and in 1889 allowed Muslims representation on the Legislative Council. In the first half of the 20th century, Sri Lankan Muslims were split between Arabs and Malays, with both groups pressuring for, but being denied, separate Legislative Council representation.[2]
Caste
Rogers (2004) examines the history of caste in colonial Sri Lanka, especially from the time the British took over Dutch-held Ceylon in 1796 and the Buddhist Kandyan kingdom on the island in 1815. The British continued Dutch policy in appointing headmen and requiring compulsory labor, both determined by occupational caste. The British, after initially trying to work through traditional institutions and practices, ended up introducing a set of administrative reforms in 1832 and 1833 that were to have a profound effect on Ceylonese society. The Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms pushed the government to abolish compulsory labor in 1832 so as to create a free labor market that would foster capitalism. The government thus chose to ignore caste in its administration and repealed caste-defined policies. Unlike India, which was based on landholding, Ceylon's revenues were based on trade, making it easier to avoid caste issues. Rather than emphasize religion and caste as the principal social markers, as was the practice in India, British officials in Sri Lanka emphasized race and nation in their efforts at social differentiation. Ceylon's large Buddhist population also was not bound to caste as Hindus were. Still, caste governed social life, especially in gaining seats on the Legislative Council, upward mobility, and education.[3]
Modernization, Religion and nationalism, 1860-1929
Government-supported education in Ceylon began in 1832 and by 1900, 25% of school-age children were in school. In the early 20th century, the colonial government began to expand educational opportunities and by the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, over half of the school-age population was in school. Near universal status was achieved by the 1960s. This achievement has been due to the realization of the importance of education on the part of parents who see it as the means for improving socioeconomic standing.[4]
Indigenization of Columbo
Perera (2002) Considers the indigenization of Colombo and the transformation of the city from an exclusive domain of British colonial power to a milieu that supported Ceylonese social and cultural practices. The city went from British to Ceylonese between the 1860s and the 1880s. Perera approaches indigenization from a reverse Orientalist perspective that focuses on the landscape produced by the emergence of national elite, the revival of Buddhism, and processes of naturalization and migration. Indigenization was integral to colonialism, which simultaneously instigated the Westernization of subjects and the indigenization of social and spatial structures. The resulting multilayered landscape, negotiated between imposing colonial structures and Ceylonese cultural practices, was characterized by irony, mimicry, ambivalence, liminality, and hybridity.[5]
Intellectual modernity
The communications and information explosion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, occasioned by technological developments, growing literacy, and a print culture, gave educated and Westernized colonial subjects access to a wider and more diverse range of ideas and practices, anticipating what has become known as globalization. Evidence from nationalist literati in colonial Sri Lanka demonstrates that the dialogue was no longer simply between colonizer and colonized: the colonized from various parts of the Indian Ocean came into contact with one another, largely because of the growing role played by a bilingual intelligentsia. In the case of Sri Lanka, Buddhism played an important role, in that the Buddhist revival (hitherto interpreted largely in terms of the rise of nationalism) encouraged colonial subjects to pursue contacts with their coreligionists around the Indian Ocean.[6]
Buddhist revival
Gokhale (1999) examines two leaders of the 20th-century revival of Buddhism in India and Sri Lanka: Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1892-1956) and Anagarika Dhammapala (1864-1933). Ambedkar, formally educated in the United States, used Buddhism to inspire faith to challenge the Hindu hierarchical caste system.[7]
Dhammapala's movement in Sri Lanka, which strengthened Sinhalese cultural identity for many, combined traditional and modern aspects of Buddhism. Many efforts to understand the relationship between Buddhism and Sinhalese nationalism have looked to Dharmapala, whose writings were collected in 1965 into a set entitled Return to Righteousness. Explanations for Buddhist revivalism and its relationship to nationalism in the late 19th century as personified by Dharmapala have employed what has been labeled the Protestant Buddhist thesis, which argues that ideologies of nationalism and scholarship on Buddhism imported from Protestant Europe forced a transformation of Buddhism to bring it in line with nationalist aspirations. While partly accepting this theory, close scrutiny of Dharmapala's diaries indicates that Buddhist asceticism was a more powerful force than has hitherto been noted, and that Dharmapala was not simply reinterpreting Buddhism in light of nationalist ideologies and agendas.[8]
Muslim society
Muslim girls in Sri Lanka were traditionally taught in the kuttabs (verandah schools) attached to mosques. These primary schools did not develop higher levels of education until the mid-18th century. Since the Portuguese, Dutch, and British brought missionary schools that stressed Christianity, Muslim women did not attend them and thus lagged behind in education. In 1891 the first modern schools were established for Muslim girls. Between 1931 and 1947 the minister of education wanted Muslim girls to receive the same education as Tamil and Sinhalese girls and pushed to include Islam and Arabic in secondary schools. By the 1960's, Muslim girls received a Western-style education, and into the 1980's Arabic colleges were established for women where degrees at the level of master of theology were offered.[9]
Political changees; the Donoughmore Constitution
The Colebrooke Commission of 1833 initiated many far-reaching reforms in Ceylon. Most important was the establishment of a legislative council and an executive council. The spread of English education soon brought into existence a group of Ceylonese who took advantage of the opportunities in bureaucracy and the professions created by administrative and economic expansion. The English-educated Ceylonese began to organize themselves into an increasingly influential pressure group. They were nominated to the legislative council and to local bodies to share in the process of government. Election of members to the legislative council, on a restricted franchise, was introduced in 1920, and in 1924 representative government was introduced with a majority of elected members in the legislature. In 1931 universal adult suffrage and partial self-government were introduced by the Donoughmore Constitution. Executive control over a wide area of internal matters was granted to an elected board of ministers, leaving the governor in overall charge and three British officials with special responsibility over finance, law, and the civil service.
There was wide cooperation between nationalist leaders and the colonial government at all stages of constitutional change, and thus there was no great movement for independence. A Ceylon National Congress had been formed in 1919 by an elite of Sinhalese and Tamil professionals, but it disintegrated within a few years because of dissension between the two ethnic groups.
Transfer of power: 1931-47
In contrast to India (which resisted participation in the Second World War), the Ceylonese ministers gave the British full support dutring the war. Ceylon became a major British naval base, and was the site of the farthest expansion west of the Japanese navy inearly 1942. The colonial government looked with favor on progress toward full self-government, demanded by Ceylonese political leaders, at the end of the war. The Labour government in Britain favoured speedy independence. In 1945 a constitutional commission recommended a constitution granting full internal self-government, with power over defense and external affairs reserved to the imperial government. In 1947 these remaining restrictions were removed, and by the Ceylon Independence Act of 1947 Ceylon became an independent dominion and a member of the Commonwealth on Feb. 4, 1948
Immigration issue
Between the adoption of the new constitution of 1931 and full independence in 1948, Indian immigrants were viewed with increasing hostility by the Sinhalese political leadership. In the 1930s, as a result of the serious unemployment caused by the Great Depression and the growing influence of Sinhala nationalism, anti-Indian feeling prevailed among the masses of Ceylon. A. E. Goonesinha and other politicians exploited the nationalistic feelings of the people. Malayalis, who had migrated to Colombo and other cities from the area in South India that is now Kerala State, were the main target of the agitations. Many Malayalis were employed as daily paid laborers in government and quasi-government institutions, commercial firms, and factories. They also worked as domestic servants, peons, garden coolies, and shopkeepers. The Malayalis were valued as efficient and obedient by their employers, but were criticized by chauvinistic politicians for ousting Ceylonese laborers by undercutting their wages. As ethnic tension grew, their shops were threatened and boycotted; Malayalis were insulted in public and occasionally even assaulted. Under these circumstances, the Ceylonese government adopted several policies of Ceylonization. The dismissal and repatriation of immigrant daily paid laborers in government employment in 1939 was one of the consequences of the anti-Malayali agitations. Sinhalese feared that if the Indians were given unrestricted political rights they would then swamp the Sinhalese in certain areas of the country, especially the plantation region of the central highlands. The British Colonial Office never found a satisfactory solution to the problem, and as soon as independence was gained in 1948 many Indians were disenfranchised by the Sinhalese-dominated government and left effectively stateless.
Since independence: the dominance of the UNP, 1947-56
The constitution of independent Ceylon was modeled on that of Britain. The nominal head of state was a governor general, but executive authority was exercised by a prime minister and cabinet, both responsible to a bicameral legislature. The first prime minister was Don Stephen Senanayake, who successfully brought together leaders of various communities and interests to form the United National Party (UNP). Its general ideology was liberal, secular, and individualist, favoring progress through private enterprise. When Senanayake died in 1952 he was succeeded by his son Dudley Senanayake, who resigned two years later and was replaced by his cousin, Sir John Kotelawela. Political and economic power was in the hands of a small elite of English-educated mercantile entrepreneurs and landowners. Political opposition was provided by two Marxist parties, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party.
Linguistic nationalism 1956-80
In 1951 Solomon Bandaranaike formed a new party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). It was strongly nationalist, demanding restoration of traditional culture and the eradication of Western influence. It swept the 1956 elections; Bandaranaike headed a coalition government, called the People's United Front (MEP), comprising the SLFP and a section of the LSSP.
Bandaranaike's MEP government pushed through far-reaching laws to promote its nationalist and socialist agenda. Sinhala replaced English as the sole official language. The military alliance with Britain was ended; British naval and air bases were closed, and Ceylon assumed a neutral and nonaligned position in international affairs. The MEP government strongly supported Buddhist and Sinhalese cultural renaissance through financial aid through the ministry of cultural affairs. Some sectors of the economy, such as bus transport and the port of Colombo, were nationalized, and attempts were made to bring about land reform by purchasing and divding large plantations.
Resistance to the MEP's program was viocal. Imposing Sinhala as the only official language provoked Tamil opposition, and the Tamils, led by the Federal Party, began a struggle to secure official recognition of their language. The struggle inflamed communal dissension and resulted in widespread riots in 1958. In addition, there was labour union unrest and conflicts erupted among the Buddhist factions. Escalating the political unrest and social tension, Bandaranaike was assassinated by a Buddhist priest in September 1959. After months of political jockeying and confusion, the SLFP, reorganized under Bandaranaike's widow, was returned to power. Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike became prime minister.
The second SLFP government continued its agenda to transform Ceylon. To meet the demands of the Buddhists, all denominational schools, a majority of which were Christian, were nationalized. The use of Sinhalese as the language of administration and of the courts of law was speedily implemented. Insurance and the petroleum industries were nationalized. In 1964, to strengthen her dwindling support, Bandaranaike formed a coalition with the LSSP and the Communist Party. The government's program became even more socialistic.
The coalition government alienated the SLFP's right wing, which defected to the opposition, forcing a general election in May 1965. The UNP won a decisive victory, and Dudley Senanayake became prime minister. His government sought to expand the economy by encouraging private enterprise and eliminating restrictions on imports. Special attention was paid to productivity in agriculture, with self-sufficiency in food as the ultimate goal. For the first time since 1956 Tamils were brought into the government, and their language was given some official recognition. Communal tension eased and some economic growth was achieved. The SLFP and the Marxist parties formed a United Left Front (ULF) in order to defeat the government. They exploited the government's conciliatory policy toward the Tamils to rekindle Sinhalese communalism and attacked the granting of concessions to domestic and foreign capitalist interests. In the elections of May 1970 the ULF gained a massive majority in parliament, although it received less than 49 percent of the vote, and Bandaranaike again became prime minister.
Claiming a mandate for radical change, the ULF government greatly expanded state control of trade and industry. But its attempts to create a socialist state were stymied by a severe economic crisis caused by balance of payments deficits, rising foreign debts, and the need to maintain an expensive social welfare and food subsidy program. In March 1971 Bandaranaike declared a state of emergency, suspending many civil liberties. Immediately thereafter, Sinhalese students and unemployed graduates grouped in the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna (JVP) attempted an insurrection in many parts of the island. The uprising received only moderate popular support and was quickly suppressed by the government. The ensuing repression cost more than 15,000 lives, and the state of emergency was maintained in effect until 1977. Afterward, the government moved further left, initiating radical land reforms in 1972 and nationalizing foreign-owned tea plantations in 1975. The new constitution, adopted on May 22, 1972, made Ceylon the socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, with Bandaranaike as prime minister. However, the ULF soon began to fall apart. In 1975 the LSSP was expelled from the government, and in 1976 the Communists withdrew from the coalition. Lacking a parliamentary majority, Bandaranaike was forced to call general elections for July 1977, two years after the date constitutionally required.
The elections resulted in an overwhelming victory for the UNP. In October 1977 the constitution was amended to make the president a powerful executive head of state, and in February 1978 prime minister Junius Jayewardene, leader of the UNP, assumed the new office for a six-year term. On Sept. 7, 1978, a new constitution was adopted, incorporating the 1977 amendment and renaming the country the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.
The UNP government moved quickly to stimulate the stagnating economy by means of a sharp devaluation of the national currency, elimination of many economic restrictions, large foreign loans, and big increases in public spending for development projects. Helped by high tea prices in 1977 and 1978, Sri Lanka entered a period of rapid economic growth and falling unemployment--accompanied, however, by increased social inequalities and inflation. In 1982 president Jayewardene was reelected to a second six-year term, and a popular referendum extended the term of the 1977 parliament until 1989.
Civil war, 1980-present
In August 1983 a devastating explosion of communal violence saw Sinhalese mobs kill more than 300 Tamils, force more than 100,000 to become refugees, and destroy many Tamil-owned stores and factories.
Tamil Tigers
After 1983 the Tamil areas of northern and eastern Sri Lanka, especially the Jaffna Peninsula, were torn by violent attacks from Tamil terrorists and by violent repression from the army and police forces. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) took up arms to fight for an independent homeland in the north and northeast parts of Sri Lanka in 1983, tens of thousands of people were killed, wounded, or driven from their homes.
India's intervention
Because the Tamil guerrillas operated from bases and supply centers in the Tamil states of southern India, the Indian government became drawn into the conflict. At the end of July 1987, the governments of India and Sri Lanka worked out a political settlement. Sri Lankan troops were withdrawn from Jaffna to be replaced by an Indian peacekeeping force. Sri Lanka's Northern and Eastern provinces were to be merged to form a Tamil autonomous region, but after a year the Eastern province, where neither Sinhalese nor Tamils are a majority of the population, would vote by referendum on whether to remain in the new autonomous region. Sinhalese communalists, including not only the JVP and SLFP but also a sizable fraction of the UNP itself, vehemently opposed the agreement as a surrender of Sri Lanka's sovereignty and an abandonment of its unity and territorial integrity.
The Indian intervention failed to bring peace, since the largest Tamil terrorist group, the LTTE, continued to fight the Indians in the north while the JVP began its own terrorist campaign against Sinhalese moderates and government officials in the south. Despite massive disruption by the JVP, presidential elections were held on Dec. 19, 1988. The winner, by a narrow margin, was Ranasinghe Premadasa of the UNP. Indian troops were withdrawn by 1991, but the civil war continued unabated, even after the Indian government banned LTTE activities in India. In Aug. 1991, the opposition parties tried to impeach Premadasa for corruption and "abuses of power." The dissident UNP faction led by former interior minister Lalith Athulathmudali supported the impeachment motion and was accordingly expelled from the UNP. It formed its own Democratic United National Front party (DUNF), which attracted much support over the next year.
In April 1993, while campaigning for DUNF candidates in local elections, Athulathmudali was assassinated. The government accused the LTTE, which disclaimed responsibility, while the opposition blamed the UNP. The following week Premadasa himself was assassinated. The government again blamed the LTTE, which again denied the charge. In May 1993 parliament unanimously elected Vice-President Dingiri Banda Wijetonga to fill out the remainder (until December 1994) of Premadasa's term. In November 1994, Chandrika Kumaratunga, candidate of the leftist People's Alliance, was elected president. She appointed her mother, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, prime minister.
Tamil politics
Tamil nationalism grew out of a parliamentary system that was corrupted by majority opportunism and crass populism. Sinhala and Tamil elites competed increasingly with each other for power and resources. Even intra-Sinhala party conflicts resulted in the scapegoating of Tamils. In the 1950s the Federal Party, led by elite Vellala Tamils, advocated federalism as a solution to meet Tamil needs. By the 1970s a number of Tamil parties had emerged and united behind the idea of a separate Tamil state. In the wake of anti-Tamil riots, rural, non-Vellala Tamil paramilitaries grew in the 1970's and seized control of the Tamil separatist nationalist struggle. Eventually the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) gained supremacy among paramilitaries and in the 1980s and 1990s refused to work toward a negotiated settlement.[10]
Religious dimension
The LTTE's successes as a liberation movement have been built on organizational skills and techno-military prowess. However they also mobilize both the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority within the Sri Lankan Tamil population via modalities that are deeply rooted in the lifestyles and religious practices of Tamils in India and Sri Lanka. Roberts (2005) argues that to grasp these capacities, a reading of the history of Tamil civilization "writ large" as well as the anthropological literature on religious cross-fertilization in Sri Lanka is essential. Propitiatory rituals in Tamil culture inform the LTTE's burial of the dead and the building up of a sacred topography centered on their fallen (the mavirar). Just as heroic humans were deified in southern India's past, regenerative divine power is conceivably invested in today's Tiger mavirar. These facets of Tamil Tiger practice suggest that "enchantment" can nestle amid secularized rationality in the structures of a modern political movement.[11]
Muslim role
Sri Lankan Muslim ethnic identity has emerged out of the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamils. The highly urbanized Muslims of the southwest are engaged in trade and commerce, whereas Muslims in the northeast are more rural and involved in agricultural production. The southwest Muslim middle class strengthened its religious identity when the government sought resources from Middle Eastern countries to deal with the Tamil-Sinhalese conflict. At the same time the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC) was formed in the northeast to cope with the security and self-defense needs there. The southwest Muslims' support of the SLMC disappeared when the SLMC supported revolution. Southwest Muslims shifted their support to Muslim moderates in the Sri Lankan Freedom Party, while others have rejoined the United National Party.[12]
Bibliography
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Society, ethnicity and culture
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- Kemper, Steven. The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life (1991)
- Manogaran, Chelvadurai. Ethnic Conflict and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka (1987)
- Manogaran, Chelvadurai, and Bryan Pfaffenberger, eds. The Sri Lankan Tamils: Ethnicity and Identity (1994), 247pp, essays by scholars online edition
- Obeyesekere, Ranjini. Sri Lankan Theater in a Time of Terror: Political Satire in a Permitted Space. (1999). 210 pp.
- Quere, Martin. Christianity in Sri Lanka under the Portuguese Padroado 1597-1658 (1995)
- Roberts, Michael. "Tamil Tiger 'Martyrs': Regenerating Divine Potency? Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 2005 28(6): 493-514. Issn: 1057-610x
- Seneviratne, H. L. The Work of Kings: The New Buddhism in Sri Lanka. (1999). 368 pp.
- Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy (1986)
- Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. Buddhism Betrayed? Religion, Politics, and Violence in Sri Lanka (1992).
- Wilson, A. Jeyaratnam. The Break-up of Sri Lanka: The Sinhalese-Tamil Conflict (1988)
notes
- ↑ Jurrien Van Goor, "Dutch 'Calvinists' on the Coromandel Coast and in Sri Lanka." South Asia 1996 19(special Issue): 133-142. Issn: 0085-6401
- ↑ M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "The Political and Commercial History of the Muslims of Sri Lanka under the British Rule." Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 2003 51(3): 39-54. Issn: 0030-9796
- ↑ John D. Rogers, "Caste as a Social Category and Identity in Colonial Lanka." Indian Economic and Social History Review 2004 41(1): 51-77. Issn: 0019-4646
- ↑ Lakshman Dissanayake, "The Timing and Determinants of the Onset of Mass Education in Sri Lanka." Asian Profile 1995 23(3): 223-234. Issn: 0304-8675
- ↑ Nihal Perera, "Indigenising the Colonial City: Late 19th-century Colombo and its Landscape." Urban Studies 2002 39(9): 1703-1721. Issn: 0042-0980 Fulltext: Ebsco
- ↑ Mark Frost, "'Wider Opportunities': Religious Revival, Nationalist Awakening and the Global Dimension in Colombo, 1870-1920." Modern Asian Studies 2002 36(4): 937-967. Issn: 0026-749x Fulltext: in Jstor
- ↑ Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, "Theravada Buddhism and Modernization: Anagarika Dhammapala and B. R. Ambedkar." Journal of Asian and African Studies 1999 34(1): 33-45. Issn: 0021-9096
- ↑ Michael Roberts, "For Humanity. For the Sinhalese: Dharmapala as Crusading Bosat." Journal of Asian Studies]] 1997 56(4): 1006-1032. Issn: 0021-9118 Fulltext: in Jstor
- ↑ M. N. M. Kamil Asad, "History of Muslim Women's Education in Sri Lanka." Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 2001 49(3): 15-19. Issn: 0030-9796
- ↑ Purnaka L. Desilva, "The Growth of Tamil Paramilitary Nationalisms: Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil Responses." South Asia 1997 20(special Issue): 97-117. Issn: 0085-6401
- ↑ Roberts, "Tamil Tiger 'Martyrs'" Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 2005
- ↑ Meghan O'Sullivan, "Conflict as a Catalyst: the Changing Politics of the Sri Lankan Muslims." South Asia 1997 20(special Issue): 281-308. Issn: 0085-6401