User:Roger A. Lohmann/sandbox: Difference between revisions
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[[Walter Lippmann]] (1889-1974) was a working journalist and political commentator who exercised a powerful influence on twentieth century views of the public. Along with [[Herbert Croly]] and [[Walter Weyl]], Lippman was a Progressive, one of the founding editors of [[The New Republic]] and a highly influential force in American [[journalism]] during the first half of the twentieth century. Among other notable contributions, Lippman popularized use of the term "stereotype" which in his definition referred to "the pictures in our heads". In addition to his role as a journalist, Lippman was an a [[WASP]] elitist who also served as an informal advisor to a number of U.S. presidents from [[Woodrow Wilson]] through [[Lyndon Johnson]]. | [[Walter Lippmann]] (1889-1974) was a working journalist and political commentator who exercised a powerful influence on twentieth century views of the public. Along with [[Herbert Croly]] and [[Walter Weyl]], Lippman was a Progressive, one of the founding editors of [[The New Republic]] and a highly influential force in American [[journalism]] during the first half of the twentieth century. Among other notable contributions, Lippman popularized use of the term "stereotype" which in his definition referred to "the pictures in our heads". In addition to his role as a journalist, Lippman was an a [[WASP]] elitist who also served as an informal advisor to a number of U.S. presidents from [[Woodrow Wilson]] through [[Lyndon Johnson]]. | ||
In ''[[Public Opinion]]'' (1922) Lippmann offered his fullest statement of the role of [[newspapers]] in modern [[representative democracy]], the [[Public#General Public|public]] and a passive, information-processing view of public opinion formation. Lippmann argued that modern industrial democracies were too complex for average citizens to effectively understand and direct. Government must be largely carried out by an expert-based [[governing class]]. He saw the accuracy of news and the protection of journalistic sources as | In ''[[Public Opinion]]'' (1922) Lippmann offered his fullest statement of the role of [[newspapers]] in modern [[representative democracy]], the [[Public#General Public|public]] and a passive, information-processing view of public opinion formation. Lippmann argued that modern industrial democracies were too complex for average citizens to effectively understand and direct. Government must be largely carried out by an expert-based [[governing class]]. He saw the accuracy of news and the protection of journalistic sources as principal problems of democracy and presented the general public as a bewildered and rather passive herd. In modern, [[industrial society]], according to Lippmann, it was the job of the [[journalism|journalist]] to translate the actions and motives of the governing class of bureaucratic experts and specialists into terms that the general public could comprehend. He found the notion of actual government by the people (as opposed to their better-informed representatives) altogether implausible. | ||
Three years later, in ''[[The Phantom Public]]'' (1925), Lippman's view reached what proved to be its outer limit when Lippmann recognized that experts could themselves be outsiders to a problem outside their rather narrow domains of expertise. Apart from the few who understood any particular issue, even other experts were not possessed of sufficient accurate information to be capable of effective action. Lippmann may have been influenced in this view, some authorities believe, by the views of European [[Fascism|Facists]] who were already in power in [[Italy]] and gaining strength elsewhere in Europe at the time or by advocates of [[technocracy]].) Lippmann’s view is that public affairs are largely the responsibility of elected representatives and appointed officials who are expert elites. Many other progressives expressed similar views, including [[Woodrow Wilson]], [[Herbert Croly]] and [[Mary Parker Follett]]'s early (1896) study of the U.S. House of Representatives. <ref> </ref> | |||
The | Two years later, in ''The Public and its Problems'', <ref>John Dewey. The Public and Its Problems. New York: Holt. 1927</ref> [[John Dewey]], who was the best-known American philosopher and public intellectual of the first half of the twentieth century, offered a response to Lippmann’s case for representative democracy.Dewey argued that politics is the responsibility of all citizens, and that adequate education would provide citizens with the knowledge needed to be involved in politics. In the Dewey model, there was a place for ordinary citizens alongside elites and experts in government, and journalism assumed an educational role. Dewey also worked out the implications of expertise for the public as well as leaders: In reply to Lippman's implied (and debilitating) [[division of labor]] among experts, he posited multiple publics with specialized and focused interests paralleling those of the experts. Decades later, the political scientist and theorist [[Robert Dahl]] in a study of New Haven politics detailed similar public dynamics between experts, elites and interested publics and numerous other political studies have detailed focused publics as "constituencies" of public bureaucracies.<ref>Robert A. Dahl. Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1961.</ref> At about the same time David Easton and other [[political systems]] theorists theorized feedback loops ( notably "[[Public#public opinion|public opinion]]") back to the experts and leaders, and Lazarsfeld and Katz identified a "two-step flow" of communication in which [[Public#public opinion|public opinion]] formation was mediated by an even more complex division of labor involving not only experts and publics but also "opinion leaders" whose greater expertise and knowledge is recognized by other members of the public who take their cues | ||
Dewey | |||
==Article Ideas, Fragments, etc== | ==Article Ideas, Fragments, etc== | ||
Revision as of 18:48, 7 June 2009
"When there isn't anything else fun to do, I go outside and play in my sandbox."
- Anon. (Age 8)
(These sections are being written for addition to the Public article I've been working on.)
Dewey and Lippman on Publics
Walter Lippmann (1889-1974) was a working journalist and political commentator who exercised a powerful influence on twentieth century views of the public. Along with Herbert Croly and Walter Weyl, Lippman was a Progressive, one of the founding editors of The New Republic and a highly influential force in American journalism during the first half of the twentieth century. Among other notable contributions, Lippman popularized use of the term "stereotype" which in his definition referred to "the pictures in our heads". In addition to his role as a journalist, Lippman was an a WASP elitist who also served as an informal advisor to a number of U.S. presidents from Woodrow Wilson through Lyndon Johnson.
In Public Opinion (1922) Lippmann offered his fullest statement of the role of newspapers in modern representative democracy, the public and a passive, information-processing view of public opinion formation. Lippmann argued that modern industrial democracies were too complex for average citizens to effectively understand and direct. Government must be largely carried out by an expert-based governing class. He saw the accuracy of news and the protection of journalistic sources as principal problems of democracy and presented the general public as a bewildered and rather passive herd. In modern, industrial society, according to Lippmann, it was the job of the journalist to translate the actions and motives of the governing class of bureaucratic experts and specialists into terms that the general public could comprehend. He found the notion of actual government by the people (as opposed to their better-informed representatives) altogether implausible.
Three years later, in The Phantom Public (1925), Lippman's view reached what proved to be its outer limit when Lippmann recognized that experts could themselves be outsiders to a problem outside their rather narrow domains of expertise. Apart from the few who understood any particular issue, even other experts were not possessed of sufficient accurate information to be capable of effective action. Lippmann may have been influenced in this view, some authorities believe, by the views of European Facists who were already in power in Italy and gaining strength elsewhere in Europe at the time or by advocates of technocracy.) Lippmann’s view is that public affairs are largely the responsibility of elected representatives and appointed officials who are expert elites. Many other progressives expressed similar views, including Woodrow Wilson, Herbert Croly and Mary Parker Follett's early (1896) study of the U.S. House of Representatives. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; refs with no name must have content
Two years later, in The Public and its Problems, [1] John Dewey, who was the best-known American philosopher and public intellectual of the first half of the twentieth century, offered a response to Lippmann’s case for representative democracy.Dewey argued that politics is the responsibility of all citizens, and that adequate education would provide citizens with the knowledge needed to be involved in politics. In the Dewey model, there was a place for ordinary citizens alongside elites and experts in government, and journalism assumed an educational role. Dewey also worked out the implications of expertise for the public as well as leaders: In reply to Lippman's implied (and debilitating) division of labor among experts, he posited multiple publics with specialized and focused interests paralleling those of the experts. Decades later, the political scientist and theorist Robert Dahl in a study of New Haven politics detailed similar public dynamics between experts, elites and interested publics and numerous other political studies have detailed focused publics as "constituencies" of public bureaucracies.[2] At about the same time David Easton and other political systems theorists theorized feedback loops ( notably "public opinion") back to the experts and leaders, and Lazarsfeld and Katz identified a "two-step flow" of communication in which public opinion formation was mediated by an even more complex division of labor involving not only experts and publics but also "opinion leaders" whose greater expertise and knowledge is recognized by other members of the public who take their cues
Article Ideas, Fragments, etc
- Musical Theater [r]: Performing arts presentations combining song, dance, and [[orchesta]l music with spoken dialogue. Types of musical theater include, among others, Broadway musicals, revues, musical comedy, operetta, and light opera. [e]
| Title | Composer/Librettist | Location | Main Characters | Date First Produced |
Date Movie |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oklahoma | Oklahoma Territory | Curley McLain, Laurey Williams | 1941 | 1943 | |
| State Fair | Iowa State Fair | 1948 | 1948 | 1948 | |
| Annie Get Your Gun | Annie Oakley | 1900 | 1900 | ||
| Meet Me In St. Louis | 1900 | 1900 | |||
| South Pacific | WWII in Pacific | 1900 | 1900 | ||
| Wonderful Town | NYC | 1900 | 1900 | ||
| New York, New York | 1900 | 1900 | |||
| Phantom of the Opera | Andrew Lloyd Webber | Paris Opera, Paris Sewer | 1941 | 1943 | |
| Aspects of Love | Andrew Lloyd Webber | 1948 | 1948 | 1948 | |
| Cats | Andrew Lloyd Webber | 1900 | 1900 | ||
| Evita | Andrew Lloyd Webber | Argentina | 1900 | ||
| West Side Story | Leonard Bernstein | 1900 | 1900 | ||
| The Sound of Music | Austria | 1900 | 1900 | ||
| My Fair Lady | Edwardian London | 1900 | } | ||
| Private Lives | Noel Coward | 1900 | } | ||
| Kiss Me Kate | 1900 | } | |||
| The King and I | Siam | 1900 | } | ||
| Pal Joey | 1900 | } | |||
| Guys and Dolls | Broadway | 1900 | } | ||
| London Calling | Noel Coward | London | Willy & George Craft | 1923 | } |
| Kiss Me Kate | } | ||||
| [[ ]] | } | ||||
| A Chorus Line | } | ||||
| Hair | } | ||||
| No No Nanette | } | ||||
| Jesus Christ, Superstar | } | ||||
| Starlight Express | } | ||||
| Follies | } | ||||
| [[ ]] | } | ||||
| [[ ]] | } |
Catalog of Art Nouveau organizations
| Organization | Founder | City | Year | Media | ??? | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Art Furniture Alliance | ||||||
| Bonn | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| } | ||||||
| } | ||||||
| } | ||||||
| [[ ]] | ||||||
| [[ ]] |
- Grand opera [r]: Add brief definition or description
- Operetta [r]: Add brief definition or description
- Alan Furst [r]: Add brief definition or description
References
(No workgroup is going to want to claim this!)